By Olu
Ibekwe
The recent call by Ghanaian
parliamentarian and Majority Chief Whip, Hon.
Rockson-Nelson Etse Kwami Dafeamekpor, for the African Union to establish
an early warning system against xenophobic violence has reignited debate on one
of Africa's most sensitive and enduring challenges: the treatment of migrants
within the continent.
While many African leaders and
policymakers have welcomed stronger continental mechanisms to prevent violence
against foreign nationals, renowned African scholar and Pan-Africanist, Prof. Abdi Ismail Samatar, has offered
a sharply different perspective, arguing that the discussion must move beyond
rhetoric and confront the deeper structural failures driving migration and
social tensions across Africa.
Responding to the growing commentary
surrounding xenophobic violence in South Africa, Prof. Samatar criticized what he described as "unreflective
rhetoric" and politically convenient narratives that focus solely on
condemning South Africa without addressing the broader failures of governance
across the continent.
"One of the tragedies of our
continent is often the unreflective rhetoric and politically opportunistic
statements about our challenges and failures and to look into the mirror,"
Samatar observed.
According to him, many African
political leaders have failed to undertake a serious examination of why
millions of Africans continue to leave their home countries in search of
economic opportunities elsewhere on the continent and beyond.
The Real Question: Why Are Africans
Leaving Home?
For Prof. Samatar, the starting point of any serious conversation about
migration and xenophobic tensions should be a simple but uncomfortable
question: Why have so many Africans been forced to leave their countries in the
first place?
"The simple answer is the total
failure of regimes in nearly every country to create opportunities in each
country," he argues.
This perspective shifts the focus
from the symptoms of migration-related tensions to their root causes. Across
much of the continent, persistent unemployment, weak economic growth,
corruption, political instability, and poor governance have left millions of
young Africans with limited prospects at home. As a result, migration has
become not merely a choice but often an economic necessity.
In Samatar's view, blaming only receiving countries while ignoring the
failures of sending countries amounts to a selective reading of reality.
South Africa's Crisis of Inequality
At the same time, the Somali-born
scholar does not absolve South Africa of responsibility.
He argues that successive South
African governments have struggled to generate sufficient economic growth and
have failed to reduce one of the highest levels of inequality in the world. The
result has been a growing sense of frustration among poor South Africans who
compete with equally poor migrants for jobs, housing, informal trading
opportunities, and access to public services.
"Regimes in South Africa since
2009 failed to grow the economy and reduce the catastrophic inequality," Samatar notes.
According to this analysis,
xenophobic violence cannot be understood merely as an expression of hatred
toward foreigners. Rather, it emerges from an environment of economic
exclusion, social despair, and competition over scarce resources.
Such conditions, he argues, have
increasingly pitted poor South Africans against poor immigrants who themselves
are fleeing economic hardship and governance failures elsewhere in Africa.
"This is the crux of the
problem," Samatar insists.
Revisiting the Xenophobia Debate
Samatar's comments are consistent with arguments he advanced in his
influential 2019 article, "Is it Xenophobia? I Think Not,"
published in South Africa's City Press. In that article, he challenged
conventional descriptions of the violence as purely xenophobic and argued that
the phenomenon required a more nuanced understanding.
He observed that most incidents
occurred in impoverished townships and informal settlements where both South
African citizens and foreign nationals were victims of the same criminality and
socio-economic marginalization. He further argued that poor South Africans
themselves suffer high levels of violence and insecurity, raising questions
about why continental outrage often becomes most visible only when immigrants
are targeted.
While acknowledging the suffering of
migrants, Samatar contended that
focusing exclusively on xenophobia risks obscuring deeper realities of poverty,
unemployment, crime, and state failure that affect both local communities and
immigrants alike.
His position has remained
controversial. Critics argue that economic grievances do not negate the
existence of anti-foreigner prejudice and violence. Numerous studies have
documented xenophobic attitudes and attacks directed specifically at foreign
nationals in South Africa.
Yet Samatar maintains that simplistic explanations do little to solve
the problem.
A Challenge to Africa's Political
Class
Perhaps the most provocative aspect
of Samatar's intervention is his
criticism of Africa's political leadership.
He argues that many politicians
readily condemn xenophobic violence while failing to address the governance
failures that drive migration in the first place. In his view, genuine
Pan-Africanism requires more than speeches about unity; it requires building
economies that offer citizens meaningful opportunities at home.
He rejects the notion that poor
South Africans are inherently less committed to African solidarity than
political elites elsewhere on the continent.
"The poor in South Africa are
no less Pan-Africanistic than the Ghanaian politicians," he argues.
Instead, he calls for a more honest
and comprehensive conversation about economic development, state capacity, and
social justice across Africa.
Invoking the late Ghanaian novelist
and critic, Ayi Kwei Armah, Samatar
lamented what he sees as the shortcomings of Africa's governing elite,
recalling Armah's famous criticism
that many members of the continent's political class "were senile before
they were born."
Beyond Condemnation
The
exchange between Prof. Abdi Ismail
Samatar and Hon. Rockson-Nelson Etse
Kwami Dafeamekpor, both serving members of the Pan-African Parliament,
underscores two distinct but potentially complementary perspectives on the causes
of and solutions to xenophobic violence on the continent.
Dafeamekpor emphasizes the need for stronger continental institutions,
legal protections, accountability mechanisms, and an African Union early
warning system capable of preventing attacks before they occur.
Samatar, by contrast, argues that such measures, while valuable,
will be insufficient unless African governments confront the structural
failures that force millions to migrate and create conditions of economic
desperation in both sending and receiving countries.
Together, their perspectives point
to a broader truth: xenophobic violence is not merely a law-enforcement
problem, nor solely a migration problem. It is also a governance, development,
and inequality problem.
As Africa pursues deeper continental
integration through Agenda 2063 and the African Continental Free Trade Area,
the challenge for policymakers will be to reconcile these two imperatives:
protecting migrants wherever they reside while simultaneously creating the
economic and political conditions that make migration a choice rather than a
necessity.
Until then, the debate between
institutional solutions and structural reforms is likely to remain at the heart
of Africa's struggle to fulfill the promise of Pan-African unity.
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